The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by Edward Gibbon
Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks
Part I
From the petty quarrels of a city and her suburbs, from the cowardice and discord of the falling Greeks, I shall now ascend to the victorious Turks; whose domestic slavery was ennobled by martial discipline, religious enthusiasm, and the energy of the national character. The rise and progress of the Ottomans, the present sovereigns of Constantinople, are connected with the most important scenes of modern history; but they are founded on a previous knowledge of the great eruption of the Moguls 100 and Tartars; whose rapid conquests may be compared with the primitive convulsions of nature, which have agitated and altered the surface of the globe. I have long since asserted my claim to introduce the nations, the immediate or remote authors of the fall of the Roman empire; nor can I refuse myself to those events, which, from their uncommon magnitude, will interest a philosophic mind in the history of blood. 1
100 (return)
[ Mongol seems to
approach the nearest to the proper name of this race. The Chinese call
them Mong-kou; the Mondchoux, their neighbors, Monggo or Monggou. They
called themselves also Beda. This fact seems to have been proved by M.
Schmidt against the French Orientalists. See De Brosset. Note on Le Beau,
tom. xxii p. 402.]
1 (return)
[ The reader is invited to
review chapters xxii. to xxvi., and xxiii. to xxxviii., the manners of
pastoral nations, the conquests of Attila and the Huns, which were
composed at a time when I entertained the wish, rather than the hope, of
concluding my history.]
From the spacious highlands between China, Siberia, and the Caspian Sea, the tide of emigration and war has repeatedly been poured. These ancient seats of the Huns and Turks were occupied in the twelfth century by many pastoral tribes, of the same descent and similar manners, which were united and led to conquest by the formidable Zingis. 101 In his ascent to greatness, that Barbarian (whose private appellation was Temugin) had trampled on the necks of his equals. His birth was noble; but it was the pride of victory, that the prince or people deduced his seventh ancestor from the immaculate conception of a virgin. His father had reigned over thirteen hordes, which composed about thirty or forty thousand families: above two thirds refused to pay tithes or obedience to his infant son; and at the age of thirteen, Temugin fought a battle against his rebellious subjects. The future conqueror of Asia was reduced to fly and to obey; but he rose superior to his fortune, and in his fortieth year he had established his fame and dominion over the circumjacent tribes. In a state of society, in which policy is rude and valor is universal, the ascendant of one man must be founded on his power and resolution to punish his enemies and recompense his friends. His first military league was ratified by the simple rites of sacrificing a horse and tasting of a running stream: Temugin pledged himself to divide with his followers the sweets and the bitters of life; and when he had shared among them his horses and apparel, he was rich in their gratitude and his own hopes. After his first victory, he placed seventy caldrons on the fire, and seventy of the most guilty rebels were cast headlong into the boiling water. The sphere of his attraction was continually enlarged by the ruin of the proud and the submission of the prudent; and the boldest chieftains might tremble, when they beheld, enchased in silver, the skull of the khan of Keraites; 2 who, under the name of Prester John, had corresponded with the Roman pontiff and the princes of Europe. The ambition of Temugin condescended to employ the arts of superstition; and it was from a naked prophet, who could ascend to heaven on a white horse, that he accepted the title of Zingis, 3 the most great; and a divine right to the conquest and dominion of the earth. In a general couroultai, or diet, he was seated on a felt, which was long afterwards revered as a relic, and solemnly proclaimed great khan, or emperor of the Moguls 4 and Tartars. 5 Of these kindred, though rival, names, the former had given birth to the imperial race; and the latter has been extended by accident or error over the spacious wilderness of the north.
101 (return)
[ On the traditions of
the early life of Zingis, see D’Ohson, Hist des Mongols; Histoire des
Mongols, Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte des Ost-Mongolen, p. 66, &c.,
and Notes.—M.]
2 (return)
[ The khans of the Keraites
were most probably incapable of reading the pompous epistles composed in
their name by the Nestorian missionaries, who endowed them with the
fabulous wonders of an Indian kingdom. Perhaps these Tartars (the
Presbyter or Priest John) had submitted to the rites of baptism and
ordination, (Asseman, Bibliot Orient tom. iii. p. ii. p. 487—503.)]
3 (return)
[ Since the history and
tragedy of Voltaire, Gengis, at least in French, seems to be the more
fashionable spelling; but Abulghazi Khan must have known the true name of
his ancestor. His etymology appears just: Zin, in the Mogul tongue,
signifies great, and gis is the superlative termination,
(Hist. Généalogique des Tatars, part iii. p. 194, 195.) From the same idea
of magnitude, the appellation of Zingis is bestowed on the ocean.]
4 (return)
[ The name of Moguls has
prevailed among the Orientals, and still adheres to the titular sovereign,
the Great Mogul of Hindastan. * Note: M. Remusat (sur les Langues
Tartares, p. 233) justly observes, that Timour was a Turk, not a Mogul,
and, p. 242, that probably there was not Mogul in the army of Baber, who
established the Indian throne of the “Great Mogul.”—M.]
5 (return)
[ The Tartars (more
properly Tatars) were descended from Tatar Khan, the brother of Mogul
Khan, (see Abulghazi, part i. and ii.,) and once formed a horde of 70,000
families on the borders of Kitay, (p. 103—112.) In the great
invasion of Europe (A.D. 1238) they seem to have led the vanguard; and the
similitude of the name of Tartarei, recommended that of Tartars to
the Latins, (Matt. Paris, p. 398, &c.) * Note: This relationship,
according to M. Klaproth, is fabulous, and invented by the Mahometan
writers, who, from religious zeal, endeavored to connect the traditions of
the nomads of Central Asia with those of the Old Testament, as preserved
in the Koran. There is no trace of it in the Chinese writers. Tabl. de
l’Asie, p. 156.—M.]
The code of laws which Zingis dictated to his subjects was adapted to the preservation of a domestic peace, and the exercise of foreign hostility. The punishment of death was inflicted on the crimes of adultery, murder, perjury, and the capital thefts of a horse or ox; and the fiercest of men were mild and just in their intercourse with each other. The future election of the great khan was vested in the princes of his family and the heads of the tribes; and the regulations of the chase were essential to the pleasures and plenty of a Tartar camp. The victorious nation was held sacred from all servile labors, which were abandoned to slaves and strangers; and every labor was servile except the profession of arms. The service and discipline of the troops, who were armed with bows, cimeters, and iron maces, and divided by hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands, were the institutions of a veteran commander. Each officer and soldier was made responsible, under pain of death, for the safety and honor of his companions; and the spirit of conquest breathed in the law, that peace should never be granted unless to a vanquished and suppliant enemy. But it is the religion of Zingis that best deserves our wonder and applause. 501 The Catholic inquisitors of Europe, who defended nonsense by cruelty, might have been confounded by the example of a Barbarian, who anticipated the lessons of philosophy, 6 and established by his laws a system of pure theism and perfect toleration. His first and only article of faith was the existence of one God, the Author of all good; who fills by his presence the heavens and earth, which he has created by his power. The Tartars and Moguls were addicted to the idols of their peculiar tribes; and many of them had been converted by the foreign missionaries to the religions of Moses, of Mahomet, and of Christ. These various systems in freedom and concord were taught and practised within the precincts of the same camp; and the Bonze, the Imam, the Rabbi, the Nestorian, and the Latin priest, enjoyed the same honorable exemption from service and tribute: in the mosque of Bochara, the insolent victor might trample the Koran under his horse’s feet, but the calm legislator respected the prophets and pontiffs of the most hostile sects. The reason of Zingis was not informed by books: the khan could neither read nor write; and, except the tribe of the Igours, the greatest part of the Moguls and Tartars were as illiterate as their sovereign. 601 The memory of their exploits was preserved by tradition: sixty-eight years after the death of Zingis, these traditions were collected and transcribed; 7 the brevity of their domestic annals may be supplied by the Chinese, 8 Persians, 9 Armenians, 10 Syrians, 11 Arabians, 12 Greeks, 13 Russians, 14 Poles, 15 Hungarians, 16 and Latins; 17 and each nation will deserve credit in the relation of their own disasters and defeats. 18
501 (return)
[ Before his armies
entered Thibet, he sent an embassy to Bogdosottnam-Dsimmo, a Lama high
priest, with a letter to this effect: “I have chosen thee as high priest
for myself and my empire. Repair then to me, and promote the present and
future happiness of man: I will be thy supporter and protector: let us
establish a system of religion, and unite it with the monarchy,” &c.
The high priest accepted the invitation; and the Mongol history literally
terms this step the period of the first respect for religion;
because the monarch, by his public profession, made it the religion of the
state. Klaproth. “Travels in Caucasus,” ch. 7, Eng. Trans. p. 92. Neither
Dshingis nor his son and successor Oegodah had, on account of their
continual wars, much leisure for the propagation of the religion of the
Lama. By religion they understand a distinct, independent, sacred moral
code, which has but one origin, one source, and one object. This notion
they universally propagate, and even believe that the brutes, and all
created beings, have a religion adapted to their sphere of action. The
different forms of the various religions they ascribe to the difference of
individuals, nations, and legislators. Never do you hear of their
inveighing against any creed, even against the obviously absurd Schaman
paganism, or of their persecuting others on that account. They themselves,
on the other hand, endure every hardship, and even persecutions, with
perfect resignation, and indulgently excuse the follies of others, nay,
consider them as a motive for increased ardor in prayer, ch. ix. p. 109.—M.]
6 (return)
[ A singular conformity may
be found between the religious laws of Zingis Khan and of Mr. Locke,
(Constitutions of Carolina, in his works, vol. iv. p. 535, 4to. edition,
1777.)]
601 (return)
[ See the notice on
Tha-tha-toung-o, the Ouogour minister of Tchingis, in Abel Remusat’s 2d
series of Recherch. Asiat. vol. ii. p. 61. He taught the son of Tchingis
to write: “He was the instructor of the Moguls in writing, of which they
were before ignorant;” and hence the application of the Ouigour characters
to the Mogul language cannot be placed earlier than the year 1204 or 1205,
nor so late as the time of Pà-sse-pa, who lived under Khubilai. A new
alphabet, approaching to that of Thibet, was introduced under Khubilai.—M.]
7 (return)
[ In the year 1294, by the
command of Cazan, khan of Persia, the fourth in descent from Zingis. From
these traditions, his vizier Fadlallah composed a Mogul history in the
Persian language, which has been used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de
Genghizcan, p. 537—539.) The Histoire Généalogique des Tatars (à
Leyde, 1726, in 12mo., 2 tomes) was translated by the Swedish prisoners in
Siberia from the Mogul MS. of Abulgasi Bahadur Khan, a descendant of
Zingis, who reigned over the Usbeks of Charasm, or Carizme, (A.D. 1644—1663.)
He is of most value and credit for the names, pedigrees, and manners of
his nation. Of his nine parts, the ist descends from Adam to Mogul Khan;
the iid, from Mogul to Zingis; the iiid is the life of Zingis; the ivth,
vth, vith, and viith, the general history of his four sons and their
posterity; the viiith and ixth, the particular history of the descendants
of Sheibani Khan, who reigned in Maurenahar and Charasm.]
8 (return)
[ Histoire de Gentchiscan,
et de toute la Dinastie des Mongous ses Successeurs, Conquerans de la
Chine; tirée de l’Histoire de la Chine par le R. P. Gaubil, de la Société
de Jesus, Missionaire à Peking; à Paris, 1739, in 4to. This translation is
stamped with the Chinese character of domestic accuracy and foreign
ignorance.]
9 (return)
[ See the Histoire du Grand
Genghizcan, premier Empereur des Moguls et Tartares, par M. Petit de la
Croix, à Paris, 1710, in 12mo.; a work of ten years’ labor, chiefly drawn
from the Persian writers, among whom Nisavi, the secretary of Sultan
Gelaleddin, has the merit and prejudices of a contemporary. A slight air
of romance is the fault of the originals, or the compiler. See likewise
the articles of Genghizcan, Mohammed, Gelaleddin,
&c., in the Bibliothèque Orientale of D’Herbelot. * Note: The preface
to the Hist. des Mongols, (Paris, 1824) gives a catalogue of the Arabic
and Persian authorities.—M.]
10 (return)
[ Haithonus, or Aithonus,
an Armenian prince, and afterwards a monk of Premontré, (Fabric, Bibliot.
Lat. Medii Ævi, tom. i. p. 34,) dictated in the French language, his book
de Tartaris, his old fellow-soldiers. It was immediately translated
into Latin, and is inserted in the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynæus, (Basil,
1555, in folio.) * Note: A précis at the end of the new edition of Le
Beau, Hist. des Empereurs, vol. xvii., by M. Brosset, gives large extracts
from the accounts of the Armenian historians relating to the Mogul
conquests.—M.]
11 (return)
[ Zingis Khan, and his
first successors, occupy the conclusion of the ixth Dynasty of
Abulpharagius, (vers. Pocock, Oxon. 1663, in 4to.;) and his xth Dynasty is
that of the Moguls of Persia. Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii.) has
extracted some facts from his Syriac writings, and the lives of the
Jacobite maphrians, or primates of the East.]
12 (return)
[ Among the Arabians, in
language and religion, we may distinguish Abulfeda, sultan of Hamah in
Syria, who fought in person, under the Mamaluke standard, against the
Moguls.]
13 (return)
[ Nicephorus Gregoras (l.
ii. c. 5, 6) has felt the necessity of connecting the Scythian and
Byzantine histories. He describes with truth and elegance the settlement
and manners of the Moguls of Persia, but he is ignorant of their origin,
and corrupts the names of Zingis and his sons.]
14 (return)
[ M. Levesque (Histoire
de Russie, tom. ii.) has described the conquest of Russia by the Tartars,
from the patriarch Nicon, and the old chronicles.]
15 (return)
[ For Poland, I am
content with the Sarmatia Asiatica et Europæa of Matthew à Michou, or De
Michoviâ, a canon and physician of Cracow, (A.D. 1506,) inserted in the
Novus Orbis of Grynæus. Fabric Bibliot. Latin. Mediæ et Infimæ Ætatis,
tom. v. p. 56.]
16 (return)
[ I should quote
Thuroczius, the oldest general historian (pars ii. c. 74, p. 150) in the
1st volume of the Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum, did not the same volume
contain the original narrative of a contemporary, an eye-witness, and a
sufferer, (M. Rogerii, Hungari, Varadiensis Capituli Canonici, Carmen
miserabile, seu Historia super Destructione Regni Hungariæ Temporibus Belæ
IV. Regis per Tartaros facta, p. 292—321;) the best picture that I
have ever seen of all the circumstances of a Barbaric invasion.]
17 (return)
[ Matthew Paris has
represented, from authentic documents, the danger and distress of Europe,
(consult the word Tartari in his copious Index.) From motives of
zeal and curiosity, the court of the great khan in the xiiith century was
visited by two friars, John de Plano Carpini, and William Rubruquis, and
by Marco Polo, a Venetian gentleman. The Latin relations of the two former
are inserted in the 1st volume of Hackluyt; the Italian original or
version of the third (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Medii Ævi, tom. ii. p. 198,
tom. v. p. 25) may be found in the second tome of Ramusio.]
18 (return)
[ In his great History of
the Huns, M. de Guignes has most amply treated of Zingis Khan and his
successors. See tom. iii. l. xv.—xix., and in the collateral
articles of the Seljukians of Roum, tom. ii. l. xi., the Carizmians, l.
xiv., and the Mamalukes, tom. iv. l. xxi.; consult likewise the tables of
the 1st volume. He is ever learned and accurate; yet I am only indebted to
him for a general view, and some passages of Abulfeda, which are still
latent in the Arabic text. * Note: To this catalogue of the historians of
the Moguls may be added D’Ohson, Histoire des Mongols; Histoire des
Mongols, (from Arabic and Persian authorities,) Paris, 1824. Schmidt,
Geschichte der Ost Mongolen, St. Petersburgh, 1829. This curious work, by
Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi, published in the original Mongol, was
written after the conversion of the nation to Buddhism: it is enriched
with very valuable notes by the editor and translator; but, unfortunately,
is very barren of information about the European and even the western
Asiatic conquests of the Mongols.—M.]